The use of modality markers to perform hegemony politeness in using Balinese language: a case study on Awig-awig

This research was aimed at expressing motivation to use modality markers in text of traditional village regulation (awig-awig). The data was obtained from some major regulations in five regencies and city in Bali province. Sampling was done based on area considering dialectical and sociocultural diversity. Based on theory of pragmatics, it could be concluded that the use of Balinese language modality in text of traditional village regulation was not merely demanded by syntax and grammatical semantics. It can be proven with deletion technic. Up on the modality deletion, it did not change the prime meaning of text, but the sentences were still grammatical instead. The use of modality was motivated with pragmatic needs, i.e. performing hegemony politeness in accordance with the sense of modality as interpersonal rhetoric.


Introduction
Awig-awig (traditional regulation) is the basic rule guided by every desa pakraman (traditional village).Awig-awig written in basa Bali alus singgih 'very respectful balinese variety'.The use of the Balinese language variety alus singgih positions the audiens on a relative higher social status than the speaker.Thus, the use of the Balinese language of alus singgih is a manifestation of the speakers' respect for the speakers.
Respect is the implementation of the principle of language politeness, especially the maxim of wisdom and wisdom (Wijana, 1996) .The maxim of wisdom suggests that every speaker minimizes the 'loss' to others; otherwise speakers are required to maximize profits for others.The losses and advantages referred to in this maxim are not solely material losses and benefits -physical but include social values.Losses and advantages of social value cannot be measured materially, but rather on the sociophilological aspect.The use of polarized variants may benefit these sociologicalpsychological aspects.
The other maxim which is in accordance with respect is the maxim of humility.Maxim is centered on the speaker's self.This maxim outlines that each speaker increases his or her own losses.Its implementation in the use of Balinese language is if the speech is intended for itself then used the lower variety of Balinese languages (andap and/or alus sor).Conversely, if the speech was addressed to speakers or a third person used a variety of high Balinese language (alus singgih).The culture of using Balinese language is in line with the ethics of using language which states that "wasita nimitanta nemu mitra" and "wasista nimitanta nemu suka" i.e. by talking appropriately we can find friends and by talking appropriately we can find happiness (Jendra, 1999).Speaking ethics in Hinduism is very relevant to the principle of language politeness that becomes a pragmatic study.In addition to the ethics of the talk, there is also a concept of social interaction adopted by Balinese society, namely tatakan raos meaning 'base of speech'.Tatakan raos is to convey a statement accompanied by a description of capital or condition.This is the focus of the study in this article.

Method
This research was conducted on Balinese speech constructions used in awig-awig.The data was taken from the samples taken by taking into account the Balinese dialectal variants as well as the differentiation of the local culture.With this sampling technique, the sample of this study was determined: (1) in the eastern part of Bali, data was taken from Karangasem regency, i.e.Awig-Awig Menanga and Rendang, 2) in the south Bali area, data was taken from Awig-awig Pakraman village Sumerta, Denpasar; (3) for the area of western Bali, data was taken from Awig-awig Baler Bale Agung, Jembrana, (4) for the northern part of Bali, data was taken from Awig-awig Desa Adat Penarukan dan Alap Sari, Buleleng; and (5) for the area of central Bali, data was taken from Awig-Awig Desa Pakraman Batur Sari, Gianyar.Data was collected by document recording techniques, observation and interviews with a number of informants.

Results and Discussion
In syntactic studies, modalities often function as phrases so that they are more popular with capital information.A capital description is used to require something to happen or a proposition that either ignores or denies the possibility or necessity.Modality can also be the way a speaker expressing attitudes toward a situation in an interpersonal communication (Kridalaksana, 1993).In awig-awig, modality is often used as a linguistic marker to express language politeness.To support this deduction, we present examples of texts quoted from awig-awig of traditional village.
Yen krama madruwe semeton sane sampun maperabian, sowangsowang patut tedun ngayah kawastanin ayah ngarep (awig-awig Desa Adat Penarukan, paos 12) 'If the residents who have got married, each of them must ngayah, called ayah ngarep' The text of section 12 uses yen modality 'if' which serves as a description phrase.Syntactically and semantically, the section 12 can be expressed in the following sentence without altering the meaning of the sentence.

Krama sane madruwe semeton sampun maperabian, sowang-sowang patut tedun ngayah kawastanin ayah ngarep. 'Residents who have brothers already married, each must ngayah, called ayah ngarep'
The removal of modalities in the above modified text does not change the message at all.This lingual fact proves that the use of capital information in the modified sentence is neither syntactic nor semantic; but rather to pragmatic considerations, especially the principle of modesty in language.By many Balinese speakers, the use of the yen 'if' modality, such as the original text of the section 12, is perceived as more polite than the modified sentence by omitting its capital statement.Standing on one data is certainly not enough to take a conclusion.Therefore, the following data presents a number of other data related to the use of modalities in regulation of traditional village in Bali.
Text of section 45 on awig-awig desa Pakraman Penarukan, Buleleng uses a partial inversion sentence structure, i.e. adverb of time prade wenten ,'n case there is' precedes the subject of a sentence, while the predicate remains in position after the subject.Modality Prade wenten is a tatakan raos as a representation of the attitude of traditional village institutions to its citizens.When examined, the text of illocutionary in section 45 is a punishment.Customary village institutions will charge a rent to residents shifting to other religion from Hindu who occupy traditional village land.This sanction is actually a fairly rational consequence, because every Hindu follower who occupies the customary village land is subject to ayah-ayahan 'customary and religious obligations'; whereas if someone who occupy the customary village land that follows other religion is directly released from the religious and social obligation and duties.Because it is no longer tied to the obligation and duties 'ayah-ayahan' then the right to use the village land was revoked and replaced with rent.The use of prade unwanted 'if any' modalities can foster a sense of inferiority.The Section can be changed by losing its capital, and having the same meaning, but losing its inferiority.Other data are presented to strengthen this analysis.
Yening tan masangah panguluning karang, akakubon kabawos.Tan yogya genah ngraksa sawa.Yening wenten mamurug, yogya katiwakin pamidanda mrayascita palemahan punika (chapter 3 section 28 awigawig Desa Adat Menanga, Karangasem) 'If a house does not have a family temple at the house compound, it is called Akakubon.The house is not allowed to be a place to keep dead body prior funural or cremation.If they violate the rule they shall be given a sanction, i.e. to purify the compound.
The text of paragraph 3 of section 28 in the Menanga customary awig-awig uses twice the yening modalities 'if' and always at the beginning of the sentence.This lingual fact further strengthens the analysis that the use of modalities as tatakan raos.The text may be constructed differently by discriminating the modalities, for example, as follows.
Akakubon inggih punika sane tan madaging sanggah panguluning karang.Akakubon tan yogya genah ngraksa sawa.Sane mamurug, yogya katiwakin pamidanda mrayascita palemahan punika (verse 3 section 28 awig-awig Desa Adat Menanga, Karangasem) 'Akakubon is a house which does not have family temple at the house compound.It is not allowed to be a place to keep the dead body.Those who violate the rule will be given sanction, i.e. to purify the house compound concerned.
The text of this modification has the same meaning as the original text of paragraph 3 of the 28 section.Semantically and syntactically, the modified text does not have any issues.But pragmatically, prioritizing locality, illocutionary and perlocutionary fit, the more relevant option is the original construction, which uses the modalities.The choice of original construction is because there is a value of politeness that is manifested by the use of capital information.Here are some data on modalities used to represent Balinese language politeness.
Based on existing data, it is known that the use of modalities is to declare certainty in the future.This means that if the conditions occur, then the consequences also must occur; on the contrary if the requirements are not met then the consequences would not happen.The act of speech acts to assert certainty is called commissive.It is insisted that verbs of speech acts included in commissive illocution is 'promise' and 'offer' (Austin, 1975).Based on existing data on regulation of traditional village (awig-awig desa adat / banjar pakraman) throughout Bali, it was revealed that verbs required were included in commissure illusions.The use of word verbs requires ensuring certainty will occur in the future if the modalities are met.Conversely, if the modalities are not met, as the result it does not certainly occur.Thus, the verbs of the word act require to be included in commissive illocutionary acts.
The use of modalities is not merely the demands of syntax and grammatical semantics, but is a pragmatic one, especially the implementation of the principle of decency.It is said that it is not syntactic and semantic condition because it is proven after the original text that uses the modality is reconstructed by eliminating its modalities, it does not change the subject of grammatical semantics.Rearranging the text by devouring its modalities also retains its syntactic structure.Thus, the use of modalities is not demotivated by grammatical and semantic needs, but is motivated by interpersonal conditions.
Modality is a rhetorical proposition for building and maintaining social relationships.This is in line with the concept of tri hita karana in Hindu philosophy; which one of its elements maintain human relationships with humans (pawongan).The use of the modalities marker is motivated by the need to maintain common harmony.The use of the modal modifier places the speaker in an honorable position.Thus, the use of the modality marker is a linguistic instrument for building hegemonic politeness.

Conclusion
At the end of this scientific study, the principal conclusion is drawn that the use of modalities in the pakraman village awig-awig is not a grammatical syntactic and semantic targets, but rather a pragmatic demand for internal compliance.Internal